POLITICS OF RECOGNITION: FROM MULTICULTURALISM TO POLITICS OF REDISTRIBUTION AND THE THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE
Keywords:
recognition theory, mutual recognition, personality, politics of redistribution, social justice, emotional recognition, legal recognition, social recognition, social integration, misrecognition, invisibility, parity of participation principle, “perspectival dualism,” group-differentiated politics, Axel Honneth, Nancy Fraser, Iris Marion YoungAbstract
The article examines the development of the concept of the politics of recognition in contemporary social philosophy and its significance for the analysis of social justice and societal transformations. In contemporary political philosophy, the politics of recognition is primarily associated with Charles Taylor’s multiculturalist concept; however, such an approach reflects only one direction of its development and does not encompass the full theoretical scope of this issue. Beyond multiculturalism, a wide range of theoretical approaches has emerged in which recognition is considered a universal principle of the organization of social life, the functioning of social institutions, and a mechanism for reproducing social justice. The article focuses primarily on the theoretical approaches of Axel Honneth, Nancy Fraser, and Iris Marion Young, who propose different models for understanding social conflicts and recognition as a means of resolving them.
An important contribution to the development of recognition theory was made by Axel Honneth, who considers recognition not only as the basis for the formation of individual identity but also as a fundamental principle of the organization of society as a whole. In his conception, social relations are interpreted as relations of mutual recognition that shape both individual identity and the very structure of social life. Recognition in this approach is a necessary condition for social integration, since it is through recognition that individuals acquire the capacity for social freedom and participation in collective life. Accordingly, social conflicts appear as struggles for recognition that arise in situations of devaluation, exclusion, or the neglect of particular groups or individuals. According to Honneth, this struggle becomes the driving force of historical social development, as it aims at expanding forms of mutual recognition and thus at the gradual formation of more just social relations.
A different approach is proposed by Nancy Fraser, who broadens the understanding of the politics of recognition while critically reconsidering Honneth’s position. In her view, the problem of recognition is not limited to symbolic respect or cultural approval but primarily concerns ensuring equal access to social institutions and equal status for citizens. In this context, recognition is linked to the possibility of full participation in social life, which allows social injustice to be interpreted as the result of institutional and status asymmetries. Developing this argument, Fraser proposes combining the politics of recognition with the politics of redistribution, emphasizing that cultural and socio-economic forms of inequality are interconnected and must be analyzed together. Such an approach expands the analytical possibilities of recognition theory and allows it to be considered a comprehensive model of social justice that encompasses both status-related and material aspects of social inequality.
In Iris Marion Young’s conception, social injustice is analyzed not at the level of individual interpersonal conflicts but as a result of the functioning of social structures that reproduce inequality regardless of the intentions of individual actors. In this approach, injustice is understood as a feature of the social order itself, which limits the life opportunities of certain groups, their access to resources, and their ability to influence decision-making. Young emphasizes that the analysis of justice should focus on structural relations of power and institutional mechanisms that shape social asymmetries. In this regard, she proposes a model of group-differentiated politics that involves taking into account the specific positions of different social groups in decision-making processes and emphasizes the need for institutional transformation and the development of mechanisms of political representation, linking social change not only to the moral transformation of relationships but also to the reform of institutional structures.